Thursday, August 27, 2009

IEF wil'n out in the Midwest on big words




Yes, there's rumors. Not all of them have been proven true.
What we do know is that an IEF posse is gonna be getting retarded on theory and sizurp on Milwaukee, WI and making everything just a bit more terrible—even with the lack of some people. I mean we're not naming names, but a certain Max, will not be stealing millions in WI and that's a fucking shame. Just saying.

On the other hand, what's better than the late '90s hardcore scene and early '00s anti-globalization activists traveling through your town and eating all the garbage at your so-called collective house?
IEF insurrectuals making it fucking rain.

“Social Justice or Social War?”
Friday | September 11 | 7pm
UWM Union | room 280
*PDF of 11x17 poster here


The Institute for Experimental Freedom was an inside job.

Thursday, August 13, 2009

Politics is Not a Banana | "What are you doing...?" & new website, coming extremely soon (let's say September)


What are you doing after the orgy or the insurrection or whatever?

Politics is Not a Banana is at the printer. After some practical gestures to expose a plane of consistency for theory and practice, a few old questions posed from a different angle, a bit too much smoking inside, and an excessive use of typography, Politics is Not a Banana: “What are you doing...” has reached its threshold. Some 168 pages of content, color covers, off-set printing and 2-color-pantone insides as a perfect bound 4.25x7in assemblage will make up the machine of PNB. Around a thousand copies will be printed for the first run. Seriously, we don't even know a thousand people, much less a thousand people who will want to read this fucking thing.

“Politics is Not a Banana: What are you doing...” is not “Politics is Not a Banana 2.” While it is certain that the Politics is Not a Banana that has been floating around since spring of '08 was the first of many issues we have, it was not “Politics is Not a Banana 1.” This project is not intended for progress or development. If by chance we get worse over time, it is because we will have given in to the seduction of becoming a better commodity or a more terrible practice of print—which are temptations that are felt at every corner. If the former is the case, it would behoove you to not merely denounce us. If the latter is the case, may god have mercy on the anarchist milieu.

“Blablabla form blablabla content”

We believe that we can get what we want. Its difficult perhaps; we have to become sensitive to each other in order to really be expositional, rather than merely performative[1]. However, with a meaningful practice of doing relationships how we want to, we may accidentally stumble upon something a bit better than just a different form of terrible. It is this logic that motivates the experiment with the commodity known as Politics is Not a Banana.

The Institute for Experimental Freedom would like to congratulate itself. We engage in projects with a certain lightness and prefer the form of the experiment, which serves to prove—to give experience—to a what we believe to be sensible. If the 7x7 issue of Politics is Not a Banana proved anything, it was that the practice of DIY print (zines) could be reappropriated. Solidarities between service workers felt as inclinations were made material, and whatever force of seduction was afforded to Politics is Not Banana translated into crews across the US figuring out their own shit and printing a few copies. The theft and use of the hookup network between various metropolitan service workers made the initial 300 copies of Politics is Not a Banana possible. The use of the information super highway and the PDF form accounts for the other immaterial conditions which gave Politics is Not a Banana its strangely vast distribution. The practice of so called DIY print is not dead, it is merely refined.

Cool.

Despite the fact that Politics is Not a Banana “What are you doing...” was professionally printed, it should not to be understood as form in favor of content. Rather, it is an elaboration of the methods employed to produce the glossy pages and the design decisions of the first issue that tormented Anarchy Magazine. Should we pay from our own pockets to produce beautiful things that will be captured as commodities? Never. Although, sometimes we do. This time, however, like the last, is a testament to what is possible through a profaned use of class antagonisms, friends, sadomasochism, a few hoops to jump through, and, of course, material solidarities. Although currently we shamefully practice doing the commodity ethically or whatever, perhaps soon we'll give the purists a real reason to hate us.

Don't mistake cohesion and rhythm for a coherent political program. Although some readers will applaud a more easy to follow amalgamation of texts, Politics is Not a Banana “What are you doing...” is not the result of ideological unity between contributors. After carefully reading the proofs, the editors of Politics is Not a Banana turned to each other and shared the tiniest single tear for the undoubtedly stupid readings of our so-called work of art. Yes, we could have more effectively splayed aphorisms and nonsensical maxims across the page; we could have interrupted the reader with more confusing pornography, with more experimental fictions, but then again we, so charitably, decided to cut a lot of our own writing. Perhaps we can all learn a valuable lesson: there is more to the practice of radical discourse than propaganda and discipline. Make no mistake, we could give a fuck, and we certainly do give fucks, but our perversity cannot be contained in any one literary singularity. We take whatever seriously.

So how will we distribute this? How will we share our shame and power? How will we write our ignoble desire on new generations?

We have no illusions about the class composition of our friends and comrades—we work stupid jobs and survive on coffee and theft, but we're pretty good at it. Likewise, we have no fucking idea what to do with a thousand copies of anything. When anarchists give us their newspaper advertisements for this or that protest, we are usually able to get rid of like twenty and then the rest usually sit around. Sometimes print is lucky enough to be used for kindling. Most times, it's near a toilet. “Politics is Not a Banana: What are you doing...” is useless as toilet paper. It is best as a sexual technology or fashion accessory.

It is from this knowledge that we pose the question to our comrades, to our vile territories of revolt-in-practice. We will be selling Politics is Not a Banana at a retail price (around $10-12) and a wholesale price (around $5-6). We ask that comrades buy fifty or so at wholesale and then sell it to make a reasonable amount of profit to benefit their projects; we ask that distributors get in touch too, but we're not super worried if Glenn Beck doesn't cry about us on Fox news. We ask also that comrades in university and comrades who work with social spaces would be so kind to get in touch with us, to prepare this year's IEF tour (SRSLY IEF T0URz 0MG!!!!1).

Nothing is too beautiful for the unwanted children of capital,

-IEF friends

from the dirty, and across the puddle '09


[1.] the poke at performance here is not meant as a denouncement of all things performative—in the world of lies, it is useless to tell the truth—rather it is meant to critique a vulgar logic of advertising that is applied in many contemporary radical projects. We want to become sensitive to each other in order to lie together.

PS: Our sincerest apologies to those who did not make the cut—you gotta want it more. To those who sent us an email saying, “Do with this what you want.” we must reply: this is neither submission nor cruelty, it is merely feigning indifference. Perhaps the shame you feel should motivate you to redeem yourself one way or the other?

PPS: www.politicsisnotabanana.com


Some gems from inside the typographic war-machine:

Public Sex and Social War

An examination of the orgy and public sex as a biopolitical strike aimed at dissolving the categories of “public” and “sex.”

I am a Bulging Tangle I am a Stringy Mass

A pornographic critique and analysis of anarchists election year strategy using Baudrillard and Antonio Negri (Oh, my!), featuring an Inhuman violation of Barack Obama.

O.K.

An IEF Favorite. Two communiques from the Enlightened Avant-Guard regarding the “so-called anti-CPE struggle,” featuring their “politically coherent propositions” (PCP).

Taking Communion at The End of History

An elaboration of the theories of rupture, divine violence, and insurrection and a critique of the dual power revolutionary strategy using Agamben, Tiqqun, Miranda July, Walter Benjamin, and Pasolinis' Salo 120 days of Sodom.

The Revelation of St Narcissus, with annotations by an Yadira Lopez, and a tangled mess of IEF critiques.

A critique of the anarchist identity using a framework of the Situationist Internationale's critique of the image.

Biófilo Panclasta: Lover of Life, Destroyer of Everything

The first English language biography of the Colombian anarchist Biófilo and his misadventures, poorly translated.

Horrible Sound Objects

A critique of the music form and elaboration of Takeshi Kosugi's gesture, alongside some provocative images of pandas doing naughty things.

The Heart of War

An elaboration of the theory of social war and a tactical contribution to the theory of Human Strike using Clausewitz and everyone's favorite utopian fascist, Carl Schmitt.

Oh Good, The War!

An English translation of the 1999 Tiqqun piece which examines the concepts of war, spectacle, and a redemptive concept of revolutionary time.


Monday, June 22, 2009

Something More Terrible Than Fight Club: The Girlfriend Experience and the Coming Human Strike

“In the early 1970s there was an advertisement shown in Paris movie theaters that promoted a well-known brand of stockings, “Dim” stockings... Anyone who watched even a few minutes of its images, however distractedly, would have a hard time forgetting the special impression of synchrony and dissonance, of confusion and singularity, of communication and estrangement from the bodies of the smiling dancers...Each dancer was filmed separately and later the single pieces were brought together over a single sound track. But the facile trick, that calculated asymetry of the movement of long legs sheathed in the same inexpensive commodity, that slight disjunction between gestures, wafted over the audience a promise of happiness unequivocally related to the human body.”

– Giorgio Agamben, Dim Stockings


“The young girl makes love in the same way she washes her car”

– Tiqqun, First Materials for a Theory of the Young Girl


"The Spectacle is capital accumulated to the point that it becomes image"

– Guy Debord, Society of the Spectacle


This is not a time for fight club, is it? The cynicism of the '90s appeared to have reached some sort of apex of anomie near the end of the decade. We could no longer choke down our own image as bored consumers, pathetic workers, and depressed youth. The course of action became disturbingly clear: one could either kill everyone in their vicinity, or learn how to fight with others. With some dumb luck, the anti-globalization movement made an appearance and gave so many bullied children, computer nerds, and petty sociopaths a new collective house alongside the indigenous people of wherever, the left, and the lesbian avengers. Then, as goes the activist version of Revelations, Osama Bin Laden came long and ruined all our fun—returning the image of darker skinned people who believe in stuff to a more scarier position than people with masks breaking stuff. The banality of cinema (exceptions included: Children of Men, JCVD, Let the Right One in, and Paradise Now) analogizes this trite world of false good vs false evil. In the bad ol' days, we didn't know it could be better, we tried to believe in things, and now, silence.

Steven Soderbergh's new cinematic trauma, The Girlfriend Experience, captures the world after the world ended—and History is as banal and horrifying as ever. The Obama election and the economic crisis are a less than subtle background to an everyday life that reflects each and every shameful ounce of the emotional and material poverty of our times.

Sasha Grey, self-described existential porn star in “real life,” stars as Chelsea, a high-end escort. We follow her lukewarm calculated performances through all echelons of bourgeois society. We can thank Soderbergh for the most amazing, boring, and frustrating scenes of something like sex. Chelsea spends scene after scene talking to her agents and her website and brand development teams. Questions of anonymity are brought up alongside meaningless gestures of affect: “hows the family?”

We are reflected our own image—running into an old friend, a business acquaintance, a sister, having an interesting conversation, performing being-amicable. We press the “hows the family” button, a response. We press the “Ha! Remember when you...” button, a response. We poke fun at one friend's less than charming qualities, multiple responses from the crowd. Others come to dine or get drinks at such a charming, lively, or “funky place.” This isn't simply the shameful cultural habits of late capital, it is capital. Chelsea knows this, and would prefer to get paid for it.

The relationship between immaterial labor, care taking, and sex work, is illuminated in The Girlfriend Experience. Shoderbergh, oscillates between scenes of Chelsea talking to men about their financial predictions, Google-ratings, and Obama as they undress revealing underwear with diaper-like qualities and scenes of her boyfriend, Chris, working as personal trainer with men and women in a gym, referred to as a “boutique.”

Nothing new to the seasoned craigslist whore, there is still an element of provocation in Soderbergh's elucidation of the current postionality of workers in our biopolitical hell. The incredibly wealthy men with families could not function as such without their high-end escorts who play at being-the girlfriend. The friendly performances of Chris follow succinctly. The gay men need someone to hit on at the gym to function as gay men, the petty bourgeois woman needs someone to touch her, and encourage her to do her best. These John's and Janes don't even desire the sex-object anymore; they desire “the real thing.”

Chelsea and Chris as images being-images, are able to perform their way across the bridge of fiction into a whole regime of playing at being. In one montage, Chelsea negotiates with a web developer about how to increase her rates and hits. She poses questions in a pseudo-web speak, referencing “that thing that makes me show up in Google searches” which are fielded by the developer playing at being professional, who makes up pay-rate on the spot. He is clearly doing this labor through an expropriation of his work's facilities which we see in the background. Chris, on the other hand, is searching around to increase his rate as well. He talks with a miserable gym owner about its faculties using synergy and nu-speak. They share laughs. The next scene he is trying to use his subtle transgression as leverage to get a raise. He's been shopping around. The economic crisis is an ace card for Chris's current boss, and of course, some blabbering about being a team player. Unfortunately Chris is not a “t-shirt kind of guy” By the end of the scene it, would appear Chris's Boss's sentimental maneuver—“you've been working here for years, man”—pays off.

The liberal project of neutralization is made no more clear than in the non-violent communication between workers and bosses, employers and potential employees, and contractors and who ever the fuck pays them. Only one thing can be communicated: a gesture in every direction, the total domination of capital. We can hear anyone of our assistant managers “If you have any problems, just come talk to me, as two individuals. Nothing is more pathetic than facing an enemy alone, as an individual.

At some point in the film Chelsea's mystical “personology” books inform her that a John, a happily married John with children, might be the one. She is invited to go away with him for the weekend. Chelsea is perhaps confused about “this feeling that I have, ya know.” She's convinced “it's just something she has to do.” We wonder if she has never had a crush or if we have said such dumb shit in our lives too. Unfortunately, its probably both. It proves to be a surefire way to defeat her boyfriend's hold on their previous positions about dating Johns. She goes. Rupture. Fizzle.

The Girlfriend Experience will not seduce everyone to smash windows across the world. It is not an action movie. Life is not action packed. However, intentionally or not, the film lays the terrain for some of the biopolitical conflicts of our time. If the concept of history as a history of social war is going to mean anything it must be understood as an elaboration of a concept of the history as class struggle. Soderbergh's film presents us with just this cinematic gift. Through our lens of insurrection we can make total sense of the banal and horrifying life presented in The Girlfriend Experience. And perhaps, through our proletarian techné, we can profane the film's status as a philosophical commodity form. If Sasha Grey wishes to make existential porn, and ruminate on yet another meta-character in a movie, so be it. It is her real positionality, played by Chelsea, that ought interest us. It is in the fact that the so-called existential porn-stars of the alt porn genre cannot be made separate from the material worlds they are attached to. Thus, Sasha Grey, alongside some Senator, alongside our high-school friend, share in a practice of increasing their facebook rates by any means necessary. The youth in France and Greece use their social capital the wrong way, and territories light up. Mousavi declares a stolen election from twitter and accidentally becomes complicit in a revolt against the fabric of theocratic society. And Oakland? Make hyphy a threat again? Social war.


“they're doing...being totally of control”

– a police officer speaking over police radio about rioters in St. Paul at the Republican National Convention


Capitalism is a system of the flows of capital. It dominates all relationships. All relationships become relations of the flows of the capital. Capitalism is tautological. Everything is included, even the excluded. Capitalism functions by each circuit of capital having its proper place. If something severs or impedes the flows of capital, in any relationship, then capitalism can begin to not-function. If humankind, like a vegan slop of multiculturalism, constitutes a whole (a subject, a multitude, whatever), then it is how we produce a whole, how we function which must be examined, and interrupted.

To block any given artery of the metropolis, to block a road with burning objects, we interrupt the flow of capital from the center of the metropolis (the city) with its margins (rural areas) and in-betweens. After the fire goes out, the metropolis functions again, and perhaps prepares itself to manage such interruptions in the future. However, what is interrupted is not merely the relationship of commodities flowing through the metropolis, but the relationship between us and commodities. The generation of affects and sharing of complicity is of far more interest to an isolated and disempowered proletariat, than the imposition of punishment on this or that evil business.

The new subjectivities of the metropolis are just as miserable as the old ones: the high-end escort, the bike messenger, the craigslist whore, the anarchist, the graphics-designer, the web programmer, the hip hop artist, the DJ, the personal trainer, the private mercenary, the alt-porn artist, the transfeminist academic, the gay landlord. Our task is to locate these subjectivities, locate our being, and practice an ethics beyond suicide.

Self-abolition is realized as the pure means of the human strike. Positioned as high-end escorts to the super rich, we can imagine how such biopolitical assaults could interrupt the economy. In Q.libet's upcoming essay “The Heart of War” a form of combat dubbed “heartwar” is theorized. Its means, the heart; its object, the heart. Imagine if, rather than merely taking money from elites for a job well done, Chelsea's character, alongside others, practiced the same destructive love we practice with each other, ambitiously. Collective emotional strikes, either through disruptions of the normal structure of the family and escorts, or through a refusal to do care labor, can cause rifts that would stretch out in their affects. One can imagine making demands, or just expropriating and making attacks. A well situated group of escorts can gain access to far more resources and capital then currently situated insurgents in the anarchist milieu. Escorts can find common desire with other sex workers or care workers. The beautiful can go on strike against being beautiful—become disfigured. The streetwalkers can do being-in-love with entire police precincts. The entire industry of care and desire, can go on strike against their very being. Human strike after human strike.

Being well positioned, means being well positioned to interrupt. The revolts of '68 taught us that even the privileged have become decomposed by capital. The revolts of today, will show us what life which has endured all the horrors of psychology, medicalization, miserable wages, irreversible time, rape, policing, war, biotechnologies, and cybernetics is capable of. The modern subject is dead. May we be so fortunate that subjectivity can finally be undone as well. Our being is on life support. Unplug it.

Monday, March 16, 2009

Politics is Not a Banana: Call for submissions | Deadline is April 3



Politics is Not a Banana: The Journal of Vulgar Discourse, is a small 7x7 publication of what some might call “insurrectional anarchist and communist” theory—although we may hazard to add the qualifiers, “post-structuralist” and “cyber-feminist.” Furthermore, PNB, rejecting the false binary between theory and practice, also contains content of the experimental fiction/pornography and cultural criticism variety. PNB is vaguely and dangerously lumpen-bourgeoisie and becomes a material force annually. The next issue is set to be a pretty little object come June '09. It may be professionally printed and it may have a quaint débutante ball to celebrate its coming out—and it would be in your best interest to attend.

PNB is receiving submissions for the previously mentioned upcoming issue themed:
“What are you doing after the orgy or riot or whatever?”

Politics is Not a Banana: The Journal of Vulgar Discourse is an orifice and an edge that desires to be filled; that desires to scratch itself on your mildewy surfaces—won't you oblige?

Submit, add complicity, expose everything.

We want it. We want your terrible little secrets; your thoughts on the recent events in Europe, in Oakland, on the fictions we are currently writing. We want thoughts on elaborating the technique of rioting and the technique of occupation. We want perspectives on expanding and refining anarchist rituals, and thoughts about other portals to our worlds beyond Food Not Bombs. We want thorough examinations of the concepts of class struggle, global civil war, and social war. We want contributions to the destruction of The Individual, The Family, and the liberal social contract. Give it to us, or we're going to take it. Politics is Not a Banana is a forum for vulgar and perverse methods. We want you to use us. We want you take pleasure in your writing, in theoretical contributions and in the practice of discourse. So here's our double-dog-dare: write what you like and take it seriously, but do it by April 3rd.

A few helpful restrictions:

Send articles, fully edited(content, spelling and grammar) between 500-3000 words and photos or graphics art (300-400 dpi at least 4x4 inches) to ief-southeast(at)riseup(dot)net no later than April 3rd.

PNB is not a democracy. We have no illusions about the power we wield as those who pose the questions—and we love it. If you want to submit to the crack of our whip or you feel a charge and a potency to expose your content to us, feel free. However, if you're going to wag your accusing finger when we don't attend to your particular fetish-object, we have to say “Sorry, that's just not how it goes, hun—you don't get that.”

Awaiting that webcam picture you promised me—that one with the mask and all that paint,

-Liam Sionnach '09

Saturday, January 31, 2009

We're back on our grizzly



As you may have noticed by the frequent posts on this blog, The Institute for Experimental Freedom is beginning to take ourselves a bit too seriously again. After an extended summer excursion, a long hiatus for some and a drawn out moment of offensive for others, we're back on our grizzly.

These past few months have been full of meaning. We've endured some new horrors and banalities, and we've felt our potency multiplied across our corporeal boundaries and across the mythological territories of nation states. Still though, it's been difficult. The lovely machine we relied on for oh-so-many proclivities, has reached the limit of its potentiality and will soon be a sad material proof of human foolishness—idling in stasis, meeting our desire with indifference. Rest in peace, peti macchina di compact.

But hold back your tears, we got one those “going green” dell laptops and the game is back on.

The two of us are as pleasantly detached as we ever are and as perverse and drunk on social power as we can be, so stickyfingers the next Danger LP or bump your favorite song about ascending in ante, and get your shit ready for the our lil' syndicate to vandalize everything with meaning.


The next big fucking things

1. More expropriations from history

* which is to say stealing from radical history books and such

2. Textual Mashups & Mixtapes

* All text takes the form of mashup. We want to do to contemporary genres of text, what Spilled Milk did to DMX. These texts will likely occur in multiple series, and so far we have conceptualized the textual mashup as thematic, or as more specifically in reference to a particular question. If we are left to our own devices, one can expect the forms we choose to expose and appropriate to be the forms already so at home within the Institute, you know like theory and porn and stuff.

3. The Pleasure of The Subversive Text

* A text, clearly referencing Rolland Barthes, exploring authorship and pleasure and inquiring through method the possibility of a practice of power that goes beyond the problematic of paternalism (see: the family, patriarchy), and that puts to use the power asymmetry of authorship and readership as this possible method. This text will deal both with the questions of discursive models of sovereignty and with potentially different models of anonymity and incoherent subjectivities (props J Lo).

4. A yet un-named collection of theses on experiment and ritual that will develop the concept of Plan B more coherently. Looking at the ways practices are linked as frequencies of subversion, this text will explore a theory for a parallel and adversarial structure and the concepts of civil war, social war and insurrection, with the friendly contributions of Benjamin and Agamben' theories on violence and sovereignty.

5. A yet un-named collection of fragments regarding patriarchy, feminism and post-patriarchal practices.

6. Easily replicable commodities, T-shirt and Button Designs, to be posted at a central online location and then decentralized in production and profit.

* I have been thinking of ways to best make use of my skills and resources—particualry to communize my faculties and to encourage others to do so as well. The specific idea that the IEF and friends will be working on is a subtly (or overtly) subversive t-shirt using enormous type, and you know, hip style to share with other nodes of subversion. This would be done as a practice of the small-scale venture capitalism thing with the least amount of investment capital and the most amount of immediate even-breaks and profit. The intent here is not to encourage everyone to sell stuff, but to make small-scale capitalism the object of our surviving-bodies in a way that produces for us more quality objects and relationships with time. Which is to say, perhaps the people who would most likely download the graphics and use them to make objects to sell, want to make objects and engage creatively with symbols already; but if we were to try and constitute that desire a “pure art” outside of capitalist relations, we would at best be kidding ourselves and at worst be “working for fascism”. So putting that desire to use and communizing our faculties is one of the best options we can think of.

The obvious problem is that of branding and brand-recognition. And again, to that we simply prefer not to pretend we are outside of capitalism, and instead engage in these obvious problems with the same conflictuality of desire that we engage in when we are at work.

We want to find practices that immediately improve our conditions, that develop the survival habits of scamming, cunning and theft, that get our rents paid, and that gets the capital that can produce more potentiality—for the particular action and the continuity of a project.

7. Politics is Not a Banana | What are you doing after the orgy or insurrection or whatever?

If you don't know what PNB is have a look. Some say it was an image from the future. But we'd dare to say the future may be without images.

If you liked what you saw, then you should know the second issue of Politics is Not a Banana is an orifice and an edge that desires to be filled; that desires to scratch itself on your mildewy surfaces—won't you oblige?

About Submissions:

PNB is not a democracy. We have no illusions about the power we wield as those who pose the questions—and we love it. Nonetheless if you want to submit to the crack of our whip or you feel a charge and a potency to expose your content to us, feel free. However—as to maintain our own composure—we can make no promise that any contributions we receive will be printed, but we think it could be cool for you to show us a 'lil something, a seam, a hipbone perhaps.

We want so badly to desecrate glossy surfaces with the following forms of text that reflect our thematics of desire and power from a perspective that makes material the zone of indistinction between the vulgar and the exquisite.

1. theory

2. cultural criticism

3. pornographic text

4. high resolution photography and illustrations

5. textual mashups (think 1-3 and maybe some prose or something)

It could be cool if the second issue of Politics is Not a Banana came out sooner than later, so here's last point. There have been many emails we've simply failed to satisfy, inquiring into where and how one could grab a copy of PNB. It is our intent to produce a few more (say, totaling 500-1000 copies of full color joints) but it would be nice not to be held hostage by the past and focus our energies on what new things we make. Similarly, some have waged there shaming fingers at us for producing a piece of print that is not easily reproducible, and that objects being strange sizes and full color is more problematic than say, a copy of the previous fire to the prisons and or a crimethinc PDF. Being that as it were, for the most part the only way to get a copy of PNB #1 was, and remains, to cross paths with us, usually at a book fair or gathering of some sort. Many apologies, but we're simply not that kind of distribution. Nonetheless, it would be nice see people's comments on the questions of Black and White print VS. Color print, and if people want a second issue of PNB by the anarchist book fair in April, or would prefer more copies of PNB: the first of many issues we have to be available by that time. As many of you well know, getting copies, what with the economy and all, can be a difficult endeavor—especially when all we have to offer is skills most 20-something already practice. PS: While, we're on the topic, if anyone has access to resources that would make printing a full color journal of vulgarity armed easy and wants design work in exchange or an abstract “favor,” send an email immediately to: ief-southeast(at)riseup(dot)net

For some, we hope to cross paths in April, for others, a bit sooner.

From my cold, cold house,

-Liam Sionnach IEF, nearing the next excuses for why rent isn't on time '09

Saturday, January 24, 2009

Reprint | Society of The Spectacle | Impressive use of Akzidenz Grotesk




Study groups rejoice!

The Institute is making available a reprint of Society of The Spectacle (1994 Zone books translation by the naughty purged situationist, Donald Nicholson-Smithin) in PDF form so we no longer have to lie about having read it. Enjoy, and feel free to share your thoughts on the design and layout.

Preparing my self to stop the oh-so-hurtful lie.
From a flat part of the South,

Liam Sionnach 09

Thursday, December 25, 2008

Pretty Objects of Revolt


“What you feel as the intimate estrangement of corporeal need is what I feel as the estranged intimacy of desire: your need is my want; my want is your need”
- Sade


The cradle of democracy is burning. It may change its frequency, its duration and its specific location, but I want to be clear about this: the interruptions that strike at the thresholds of the state-form and that press against the fleshy anterior of capital are en route.

I risk speaking in terms of slogans when I say this but I want to go to where the fires are—where everything enables the desire to reduce monoliths and dialectics to ashes. I think this is why there are these riots; because we can’t afford to go to where the riots are, because the people in Greece are at home with their perverse desire and are at home with their endurance. Alexandros Grigoropoulos, who was murdered by the functionaries of the state, for fifteen years inhabited this fact and his friends, comrades and so called genre, continue to inhabit this fact. I see my self in Alexandros, as I see my self each time the state exposes its function—when police act by grace of sovereignty to erase bodies with an “accidental” just violence. The libidinal economy of death acts as a force to produce human bodies as subjects. By the 6th century this originary biopolitical imperative is already clear in Pindar’s Platonic proverb:


The nomos, sovereign of all mortals and immortals

Leads with the strongest hand

Doing violence to the most just.


Today, there is only a zone of indistinction between the force of law of the ancients and the force of law of the modern states.

The Greek riots trace a seam directly through our bodies—dividing me and then dividing me again. At once, I am interrupted from my habit of producing pretty espresso drinks and culture; feeling the seam of the Greek riots cut through me, pulling me to the shadow of my historicity—recalling different riots I’ve experienced, watched on TV, read about in books and recalling my relationships with different people; the abuses I’ve dealt and suffered; the ways police and managers and doctors have acted on my body, the separations they’ve made. I think about watching that terrible movie The Dreamers just for the scandalous parts and for the money shot at the end and I try to distinguish whose body part was in what orifice and whose desire reigned with so-called impunity.

The media speaks of the “seven hundred euro generation”—it is they who riot, who have been let down by the Greek government in particular. Yet this month I will struggle to make a rent of three hundred dollars and my roommates will struggle as well. Tomorrow, we will go out on an odyssey to find cheap enough cigarettes. Tonight we trade roles of support; I have the pack that is not empty and my roommate the bottle of whiskey and the bag of coffee seized form work.

None of this new and those rioting in Greece know this. Certainly we could work more; two, three, maybe four jobs. Certainly that would keep us busy but we would prefer not to. I’ve learned to endure so much and what those of us who work for shit jobs and produce nothing material know is our conditions is more than mere poverty. It’s historically constructed, and it’s not necessarily of our choosing but we wouldn’t keep doing it if we didn’t like certain aspects of it. Maybe it’s the power to wield subcultural capital, maybe it’s the potential of not-work every so often—while on the job or on holiday (because all aspects of our lives are colonized by work); maybe we want to be in systems of asymmetrical power where we can be pretty and ugly objects. Whatever it is, we kind of like it. What is it at stake and what makes my skin so raw when I feel my empathy surface from the image of people gleefully demolishing temples of capitalism is the desire to interrupt functionality with play, with pleasure that is prefers not to reproduce, with violence that is bored with death.

I fear saying this out right because the psychologists of all the sciences want to know it; because they will sell it to public relations firms and they will employ me or my friends to mystify this fact and make it into more jobs. Furthermore because the state will put to a specific function the things we say over drinks that cause us to recognize each other. They will include us the way the Jewish religious hierarchy was included to make the ghettos and gas chambers function—the way black leaders are employed to neutralize the potentiality of rebellion every time what happened in Athens happens in every urban epicenter in the US.

Already in the US, the political class of simulations and the petite Leninists who paint themselves in red and black are getting organized; attempting to reconstitute the Left at Obama’s Inauguration. If it were not for the tactics they wish to employ, I would care less, but how matters and their desire for sovereignty is only loosely veiled. The advocates for the popular power bloc demand nothing less than recognition for their rightful inheritance of sovereignty and thus the state-form. When they say they wish to celebrate the victory of the “grassroots movement” of organizers that got Obama elected, they are clarifying this: a desire to celebrate management and discipline of a constituting (or so-called constituent) power. The horror of recognition prefers a site of pleasure in whatever singularities, not the banality of reproducing management and discipline of subjects.

I want to be vulnerable to you because I know you and you already recognize me and because you are always, and above all, anonymous—a quality that makes you potent. You, the unknown and the known, reading this text are a force and an orifice, a face and a chair. And yet so many managers; so many police are present here. At a party, in a bar, at a grocery store, we might cross paths; and I would want to share with you the simple pleasures of my existence but my desires conflict and our inclinations are veiled because my simple pleasures are criminal. I imagine yours are as well but what if you tell my boss or the grocery store owner about my proclivities?

It is this surveillance that causes our emotional poverty—a surveillance that congruently silences our brittle lips from talking about abuse and that disables the force of our limbs to make gestures of care.

I know it seems absurd but it is in the spaces where I can feel anonymous—where I can lose my sense of individualism and even my sense of dividuality, where I can feel my singularity; my point in time and space that is attached to all that matters—that the force of kindness and my desire are proven to be potent. It is these spaces—where the party’s shared joy overwhelms our fear of foolishness, where our circumstances incline us to support each other—that I can be vulnerable, powerful and happy. I want to meet you there and I want to extend these spaces with more duration and with different frequencies.

So I’m going to put on a black mask or I’m going to transform the meaning of a t-shirt by wearing it on my face as such. There is no other zone of desire that is pleasurable. The t-shirt, the sneakers, the bottle, the car, all our commodities have proven they are bankrupt if they remain as property—they must be profaned and put to use in the sphere of human desire lest they end up in museums. I want to put everything to use to prove the fact of its potentiality and to locate that it is my gestures that inscribe meaning; that pull, stretch and interrupt the continuum of time.

There is an insurrection coming because there is always an insurrection coming; because there is always in-surrection. It is in place because it is in practice; always exposing the seam of power and desire of function and potential. Those rioting across the sea are sending to us this subtle communiqué: we are running faster, evading the social sciences’ force of recognition, of identification; running across borders; throwing rocks, burning arcades and prisons and kicking at the thresholds of the state.

The insurrection in practice draws us closer and whispers, “It is possible, it is in practice and you, these bodies that you are, are potent with its possibility; the secret is to really begin”.

Liam Sionnach, The ass-end of December 08